Each includes the corresponding number of votes.
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The President of the Senate, in the presence of the Senate and the House of Representatives, will open all certified folders and count the votes. The person who gets more than 50 percent votes of the electors will win the election and become the President of the United States. In case no one wins an absolute majority of votes of the electors, a contigent election will be held.
The House of Representatives will decide the contigent President election. Only the three candidates with the most electorial vote are admitted as candidates in this election, whereas the Senate will decide the contigent Vice President election. Only the two candidates, who receive the highest number of votes in the electorial vote are elected in this election.
Each state will nominate a certain number of electors equal to the total number of Representatives of the state and two Senators.
The 2020 Presidential Candidates: In Their Own Words
The District of Columbia, although it is not a state and has no voting right in Congress, still has three electoral votes. After the nationwide presidential election held in November, the Electoral College will meet in December. In most states, the electors vote based on how most voters in their state voted. Electors cast their votes in their respective states on December 15, and the National Assembly votes in January next.
Imagine that candidate A wins in a big state with a close result and that state has a lot of electoral votes. The candidate A will still receive all electoral votes of that state. At the same time, the candidate A may lose in some smaller states with a big gap and receive fewer popular votes than another candidate. But the candidate A will still have an advantage in the Electoral College. For example, the candidate A wins in California with a close result but still receives all 55 electoral votes of this state. However, the total electoral votes of these four states are just 33 votes.
However, this is still important for candidates running campaigns in all states, including those with smaller populations and fewer electoral votes, to receive a higher total number of electoral votes. In , the Electoral College consisted of electors; and a candidate needed at least electoral votes to win the presidential election. In this year, George Bush got more votes from the electors, hence, he won the 54th quadrennial presidential election even though he lost in popular votes.
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Campaign of | JFK Library
Get an expert to write your essay! Democrats will almost certainly fall short, and when they do, the chances of Republicans lending a hand to pass policies like Medicare for All or a Green New Deal are, of course, even slimmer. And the experiences of the Obama Administration should disabuse Democrats of the notion that more moderate proposals would fare any better.
Bush, did Mitt Romney, did John McCain say a single good word about anything Barack Obama ever did over the course of eight solid years? No, they fucking did not. The next Democratic President with a Democratic Congress will thus have exactly one option available for the passage of most of the major proposals being advanced by the candidates: urging the Democratic Senate Majority Leader to eliminate the filibuster in order to pass legislation by simple majority vote. Both are long shots. Bernie Sanders, Cory Booker, Kamala Harris, and Kirsten Gillibrand have all said straightforwardly that they would like to keep the filibuster.
In fact, there is already broad support for the most ambitious ideas being offered by Democrats this election. Fifty-six per cent of Americans support Medicare for All while seventy-four per cent support a Medicare buy-in. More than eighty per cent of Americans support the provisions of the Green New Deal. None of these proposals is likely to receive sixty Senate votes in the next Congress.
This is an existential challenge for the Democratic Party and American democracy.
Presidential Elections : The Presidential Election
No sunny homily delivered from atop a dining table is going to make it go away. But the candidates bear only part of the blame for our inability to face the problem squarely. They are, after all, just telling Democratic voters what they want to hear. Polls have long shown that Democrats value political comity and compromise more than Republicans. For years, a certain class of pundits has got its jollies scolding voters for both supporting a variety of expensive policies and opposing the broad tax increases that might be advanced to finance them.
It would seem that bipartisanship and conciliation have at last supplanted an older, fustier norm: the rule of law. Though there were moments of unity during the Clinton and George W. Bush Administrations, little of what we achieved in them—welfare reform, the crime bill, the Defense of Marriage Act, the Iraq War—is being embraced by candidates. And yet, promises of unity have become important rites of the American civil religion. Few Presidents did more to make that so than Barack Obama, who launched his political career urging reconciliation between blue states and red states, even as political polarization, exacerbated by his election in , effectively brought to a close the era of bipartisan action on major domestic-policy issues.
At the outset, Obama framed the obstacles to that kind of consensus-building as nefarious external forces. Trump, a more perfect embodiment of the politics of anything goes than Obama could have possibly imagined, fits snugly into that rhetorical template.